- Circuito Tecnopolo Norte No. 117
Colonia Tecnopolo Pocitos II
20313 Aguascalientes, Ags.
México - +52 (449) 994-5150 ext. 5268
- International Studies, Human Rights, Latin American Studies, Democracy, Elites (Political Science), Central America and Mexico, and 39 moreLatin American Politics (Political Science), Latin America (Comparative Politics), Democratisation, Gang Culture and Dynamics, Youth Violence, United States-Latin American Relations, Campaign Finance, Crime Prevention Policies, Narco violence, Guatemalan Politics, Violence against Women and Youth, Elections, United States, El Salvador, Central America, Democratic consolidation, Street gangs, Gang control, Maras, Transnational Latino gangs, ARENA, Transnational street gangs, Transnational Anti-Gang Initiatives, Elite rule, Anthropology, Sociology, Political Science, International Relations, Social Sciences, Corruption, Honduras, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Drug Policy, Displacement, Migration, Violence, Prisons, and Pacificationedit
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El gobierno mexicano ha dejado en manos de la sociedad civil su respuesta al flujo de refugiados. Esto ha dado lugar a niveles sorprendentemente distintos de asistencia y protección a refugiados en el país.
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"Maras, or street gangs, have becoming the scourge of El Salvador, particularly in the capital. They sell drugs, extort money and rape girls, often in extremely cruel ways. They systematically resort to violence to get what they want,... more
"Maras, or street gangs, have becoming the scourge of El Salvador, particularly in the capital. They sell drugs, extort money and rape girls, often in extremely cruel ways. They systematically resort to violence to get what they want, being responsible for about a third of the country's homicides. In this special article for LAB, Sonja Wolf looks at the role played by the maras in the life of the country."
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Research Interests: Violence, Discrimination, Asylum, Organized Crime, Police, and 15 moreMexico, Corruption, Honduras, Central America, Migrants, Street gangs, Mara Salvatrucha, Human Rights Violations, Kidnappings, Migrant detention centers, National Migration Institute, COMAR, Labor Abuse, Coyotes, and Calle Dieciocho
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Research Interests: Class, Social Exclusion, Mexico, California, Race, and 3 moreInequality, United States, and Latino immigrants
Research Interests: Colombia, Costa Rica, Panama, Mexico, Guatemala, and 4 moreHonduras, Central America, Drug Trafficking, and Belize
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The seminar brings together an interdisciplinary group of researchers working in a variety of violent environments to learn from one another's experiences in the field. In so doing, we hope to foster dialogue among scholars of different... more
The seminar brings together an interdisciplinary group of researchers working in a variety of violent environments to learn from one another's experiences in the field. In so doing, we hope to foster dialogue among scholars of different forms of violence (including but not limited civil conflict, political repression, gendered violence, genocide, and criminal gangs) and introduce the idea of using a human rights framework to address key issues in research methodology, security and ethics. We also hope to foster dialogue among scholars across regions, while using El Salvador as a reference point for discussion of multiple, intersecting forms of violence. Finally, we hope to bridge academia, journalism and advocacy work in a discussion that explores human rights research beyond monitoring abuses. In seminar discussions, we will ask what fieldwork in El Salvador can teach us about how to conduct research in other violent contexts, and how research in other contexts can inform study in El Salvador. Ultimately, we will develop general advice about conducting research in violent environments, and we will explore the limits of our capacity to offer such advice. Papers should address issues related to ethical, logistical, political and methodological challenges of doing fieldwork on violence and human rights. This workshop in El Salvador, scheduled for June 14-21 2018, invites academics and other researchers (journalists and human rights advocates) from different countries to explore themes related to fieldwork in violent and sometimes dangerous contexts.
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After the transition to democracy, the countries of Central America have been facing complex socioeconomic and political scenarios. Inequality and social exclusion remain pervasive, and crime and violence –often committed by street gangs–... more
After the transition to democracy, the countries of Central America have been facing complex socioeconomic and political scenarios. Inequality and social exclusion remain pervasive, and crime and violence –often committed by street gangs– have reached alarmingly high levels. Dysfunctional justice systems generate impunity, and state institutions, generally under-resourced, politicised, and corrupt, do not adequately respond to citizen needs. The result is popular support for authoritarian measures and extrajudicial killings, yet also a sense of disillusionment and despondency. The current panorama is bleak, yet it is also unclear where change–or the pressure for it– might come from. The political parties, irrespective of their ideologies, are focused on electoral cycles and unable or unwilling to genuinely address the national problems. The media mostly fail to investigate and inform critically, non-governmental organisations are trapped in short-term project cycles, and universities are for the most part not producing sound policy-oriented research. More important perhaps, citizens may cast votes but otherwise tend not to get involved in political and civic affairs. While the elites remain opposed to structural change, the poor and the middle class would benefit from change, but they are either disproportionately affected by homicides and forced displacement or have chosen to withdraw into a sheltered existence. Existing responses to security and development in Central America have not matched the magnitude of the challenges facing these nations. These problems are not easily addressed, but scholarly research can contribute to the search, adoption, and implementation of fairer and more effective policies. Paper proposals are invited for a panel at the 2017 LASA congress that will reflect on how different social and political actors have been responding to the socioeconomic , political, and institutional problems in the isthmus, how they may have defended their interests and privileges or what hurdles they may have encountered in their struggles for structural transformations. Interested scholars are invited to submit a 250-word abstract (in English or Spanish) to Dr Sonja Wolf (sonja.wolf@cide.edu) by 15 August 2016.
CfP: LASA 2016 (New York, 27-30 May 2016) Drug Policy in the Americas: The Effects of Prohibition and the Route to Harm Reduction Countries throughout the Americas have traditionally adhered to the prohibitionist paradigm of... more
CfP: LASA 2016 (New York, 27-30 May 2016)
Drug Policy in the Americas: The Effects of Prohibition and the Route to Harm Reduction
Countries throughout the Americas have traditionally adhered to the prohibitionist paradigm of drug control that the United States has been promoting through diplomacy, aid and trade policies as well as through the global drug regime. The effects of this approach have been overwhelmingly negative: drug trafficking continues, drug-war-fuelled violence has intensified, and criminal organizations have diversified their portfolios and expanded their geographical presence. A case in point is Mexico where the drug offensive –launched by President Felipe Calderón (2006-2012) and continued by current President Enrique Peña Nieto– has produced the death or disappearance of thousands of citizens, migrant kidnapping and extortion have developed into a lucrative criminal niche, and criminal groups have expanded their operations into Central America. There, the Northern Triangle has been struggling for years with alarmingly high homicide rates, increasingly pernicious street gang activity, and –more recently– with forced displacement due to criminal violence. Given these developments, more than twenty states in the United States and a number of Latin American countries –notably Uruguay– have legalized marijuana in some form and/or spearheaded debates about the need for drug policy reform.
Abstracts are invited for a panel at the 2016 LASA congress that will examine the effects –broadly interpreted– of traditional drug policies in the Americas as well as current experiments with alternative drug control strategies. Papers in the first category might explore aspects such as the measurement of illegal drug consumption; the characteristics of drug laws and/or the incarceration of drug users; the relationship between drug prohibition, crime, and violence; the nature and performance of national drug policy institutions; the role of street gangs or organized crime in forced displacement; the participation of the Armed Forces in counterdrug strategies; the nature and results of U.S. security and counterdrug assistance; or drug user rehabilitation in prisons or in private or public rehabilitation centers. Papers in the second category might examine individual countries’ discourses about drug policy reform or innovative experiences in this area, for example the regulation of illicit drugs, drug law reforms, the medical use of marijuana, or civil society efforts aimed at promoting alternatives to drug prohibition.
Papers concerned with drug policies in Central America are particularly welcome.
Interested scholars and policy analysts are invited to submit their abstracts (in English or Spanish) to Sonja Wolf (sonja.wolf@cide.edu) by 15 July 2015.
Drug Policy in the Americas: The Effects of Prohibition and the Route to Harm Reduction
Countries throughout the Americas have traditionally adhered to the prohibitionist paradigm of drug control that the United States has been promoting through diplomacy, aid and trade policies as well as through the global drug regime. The effects of this approach have been overwhelmingly negative: drug trafficking continues, drug-war-fuelled violence has intensified, and criminal organizations have diversified their portfolios and expanded their geographical presence. A case in point is Mexico where the drug offensive –launched by President Felipe Calderón (2006-2012) and continued by current President Enrique Peña Nieto– has produced the death or disappearance of thousands of citizens, migrant kidnapping and extortion have developed into a lucrative criminal niche, and criminal groups have expanded their operations into Central America. There, the Northern Triangle has been struggling for years with alarmingly high homicide rates, increasingly pernicious street gang activity, and –more recently– with forced displacement due to criminal violence. Given these developments, more than twenty states in the United States and a number of Latin American countries –notably Uruguay– have legalized marijuana in some form and/or spearheaded debates about the need for drug policy reform.
Abstracts are invited for a panel at the 2016 LASA congress that will examine the effects –broadly interpreted– of traditional drug policies in the Americas as well as current experiments with alternative drug control strategies. Papers in the first category might explore aspects such as the measurement of illegal drug consumption; the characteristics of drug laws and/or the incarceration of drug users; the relationship between drug prohibition, crime, and violence; the nature and performance of national drug policy institutions; the role of street gangs or organized crime in forced displacement; the participation of the Armed Forces in counterdrug strategies; the nature and results of U.S. security and counterdrug assistance; or drug user rehabilitation in prisons or in private or public rehabilitation centers. Papers in the second category might examine individual countries’ discourses about drug policy reform or innovative experiences in this area, for example the regulation of illicit drugs, drug law reforms, the medical use of marijuana, or civil society efforts aimed at promoting alternatives to drug prohibition.
Papers concerned with drug policies in Central America are particularly welcome.
Interested scholars and policy analysts are invited to submit their abstracts (in English or Spanish) to Sonja Wolf (sonja.wolf@cide.edu) by 15 July 2015.
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“Centroamérica, ¿cómo contribuye la violencia en la migración (El Salvador, Honduras y Guatemala)?” Radio show "Sin Restricciones", hosted by Alberto Romero (92.7 FM Aguascalientes, Mexico), 23 October 2018.
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“Los estudiantes refugiados sirios en México y el Proyecto Habesha.” Radio show "Sin Restricciones", hosted by Alberto Romero (92.7 FM Aguascalientes), 26 February 2019.
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Research Interests: Human Rights, Moral Panic, Media, El Salvador, Street gangs, and 3 moreGang control, Maras, and Mano Dura
Central America’s gang phenomenon dates back to at least the 1950s, but it experienced striking changes when the United States stepped up its deportation of offending non-citizens, including members of Mara Salvatrucha and Calle... more
Central America’s gang phenomenon dates back to at least the 1950s, but it experienced striking changes when the United States stepped up its deportation of offending non-citizens, including members of Mara Salvatrucha
and Calle Dieciocho. What had been small, territorially-based youth groups implicated in petty delinquency developed into large, more criminally-involved gangs with hundreds of cliques. In the early 2000s the Northern Triangle countries launched repressive strategies to crack down on gangs and curb spiralling murder rates. Homicides, however, increased, and the “maras” strengthened their structure, criminal participation, and geographical presence. Amid debates whether these groups have matured into transnational organised crime syndicates, the phenomenon sparked great interest in the movie industry. Recent years have seen a proliferation of documentaries that examine the nature of the gangs and state responses to them. These visual productions warrant scrutiny not only because they shine a spotlight on one of Western Hemisphere’s key security challenges, but also because they shape public opinion on gangs and can create support for some policies and rejection of others. This article explores the portrayal of the “maras” in six documentaries and the implications of these representations for the adoption of anti-gang strategies.
and Calle Dieciocho. What had been small, territorially-based youth groups implicated in petty delinquency developed into large, more criminally-involved gangs with hundreds of cliques. In the early 2000s the Northern Triangle countries launched repressive strategies to crack down on gangs and curb spiralling murder rates. Homicides, however, increased, and the “maras” strengthened their structure, criminal participation, and geographical presence. Amid debates whether these groups have matured into transnational organised crime syndicates, the phenomenon sparked great interest in the movie industry. Recent years have seen a proliferation of documentaries that examine the nature of the gangs and state responses to them. These visual productions warrant scrutiny not only because they shine a spotlight on one of Western Hemisphere’s key security challenges, but also because they shape public opinion on gangs and can create support for some policies and rejection of others. This article explores the portrayal of the “maras” in six documentaries and the implications of these representations for the adoption of anti-gang strategies.
Research Interests: Migration, Family, El Salvador, Friendship, War, and 16 morePrisons, Documentaries, Honduras, Central America, United States, Deportation, Marginalisation, Street gangs, Maras, Mano Dura, World's Most Dangerous Gang, Maras, una amenaza regional, Hijos de la Guerra, El Porvenir, La Vida Loca, and Children of a Rape
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In 2003, the Government of El Salvador launched Plan Mano Dura to curb urban violence and homicides, most of which had been attributed to street gangs. Domestic non-governmental organisations (NGOs) criticised the measure for its... more
In 2003, the Government of El Salvador launched Plan Mano Dura to curb urban violence and homicides, most of which had been attributed to street gangs. Domestic non-governmental organisations (NGOs) criticised the measure for its repressive nature and the neglect of the wider policies for prevention and rehabilitation, and sought to promote the implementation of alternative gang control. Drawing on ethnographic research in Homies Unidos-El Salvador – founded and organised by pandilleros calmados (retired gang members) – the article considers how both the socio-political context and organisational characteristics shaped the agency's advocacy strategy and why its efforts remained largely ineffective.
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Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13), founded in 1980s Los Angeles by Salvadoran immigrant youth, is today one of the largest street gangs in North and Central America. In recent years the group has acquired a reputation for extreme brutality and has... more
Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13), founded in 1980s Los Angeles by Salvadoran immigrant youth, is today one of the largest street gangs in North and Central America. In recent years the group has acquired a reputation for extreme brutality and has ostensibly mutated into a fast-expanding, transnational organized crime network with possible ties to international terrorists. Drawing on key concepts in gang research and multiple methodological tools, this article seeks to sharpen understanding of MS-13’s structure and activities. While the
group is active in many countries, it is transnational only in a symbolic manner, not in its configuration or span of authority. Impelled largely by Central American gang-suppression policies, MS-13 has evolved from a traditional street gang into a group with organized crime characteristics, but it remains a social phenomenon rooted in urban marginality. Ultimately, a more nuanced picture of Mara Salvatrucha can inform the search for more effective gang policies.
group is active in many countries, it is transnational only in a symbolic manner, not in its configuration or span of authority. Impelled largely by Central American gang-suppression policies, MS-13 has evolved from a traditional street gang into a group with organized crime characteristics, but it remains a social phenomenon rooted in urban marginality. Ultimately, a more nuanced picture of Mara Salvatrucha can inform the search for more effective gang policies.
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Research Interests: Human Rights, Accountability, Migration Law, Mexico, Transparency, and 9 moreNational Security, Deportation, Citizen Security, Migrant Detention, National Institute of Migration, Humanitarian Visa, Migrant Protection, Migration Control and Verification, and Comprehensive Strategy to Prevent and Fight Migrant Kidnappings
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Research Interests: Colombia, Resilience, Governance, Haiti, Gender, and 27 moreReality television, Police, Bolivia, Venezuela, Masculinities, Social Exclusion, El Salvador, Pentecostalism, Military, Mexico, Prisons, Drug Policy, Latin America, Urban Violence, National Security, Plan Colombia, Guatemala, Corruption, Central America, Non State Armed Actors, USAID, Street gangs, Mano Dura, Gang prevention, Gang rehabilitation, Gang Policy, and Child Sponsorship Programs
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Research Interests: Public Opinion, Violence, Ethnography, Police, Rule of Law, and 22 moreDemocracy, El Salvador, Costa Rica, Panama, Military, Organised Crime, Mexico, Territoriality, Street Children, Prisons, Guatemala, Crime, Nicaragua, Honduras, Central America, United States, Drug Trafficking, Street gangs, Maras, Mano Dura, Private Security, and Social Cleansing
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Cristian Alarcón (ed.), Jonathan no tiene tatuajes: Crónicas de jóvenes centroamericanos en la encrucijada, San Salvador, Coalición Centroamericana para la Prevención de la Violencia Juvenil (CCPVJ), 2010. Tom Diaz, No Boundaries:... more
Cristian Alarcón (ed.), Jonathan no tiene tatuajes: Crónicas de jóvenes centroamericanos en la encrucijada, San Salvador, Coalición Centroamericana para la Prevención de la Violencia Juvenil (CCPVJ), 2010.
Tom Diaz, No Boundaries: Transnational Latino Gangs and American Law Enforcement. Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 2009.
Sarah Garland, Gangs in Garden City: How Immigration, Segregation, and Youth Violence are Changing America’s Suburbs, New York, Nation Books, 2009.
María Santacruz and Elin Ranum, “Seconds in the Air”: Women Gang-Members and their Prisons, San Salvador, Instituto Universitario de Opinión Pública (IUDOP), 2010.
Wim Savenije, Maras y Barras: Pandillas y violencia juvenil en los barrios marginales de Centroamérica, San Salvador, Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales (FLACSO), 2009.
Tom Diaz, No Boundaries: Transnational Latino Gangs and American Law Enforcement. Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press, 2009.
Sarah Garland, Gangs in Garden City: How Immigration, Segregation, and Youth Violence are Changing America’s Suburbs, New York, Nation Books, 2009.
María Santacruz and Elin Ranum, “Seconds in the Air”: Women Gang-Members and their Prisons, San Salvador, Instituto Universitario de Opinión Pública (IUDOP), 2010.
Wim Savenije, Maras y Barras: Pandillas y violencia juvenil en los barrios marginales de Centroamérica, San Salvador, Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales (FLACSO), 2009.
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This thesis examines the advocacy strategies of three Salvadoran non-governmental organisations (NGOs) aimed at contesting the Mano Dura gang policy and promoting the implementation of alternative forms of gang control. Introduced by the... more
This thesis examines the advocacy strategies of three Salvadoran non-governmental organisations (NGOs) aimed at contesting the Mano Dura gang policy and promoting the implementation of alternative forms of gang control. Introduced by the Flores administration in mid-2003, Mano Dura proposed to “crack down” on the country’s street gangs and foresaw the arrest and prosecution of suspected gang members on account of their physical appearance. Locally known as pandillas or “maras,” these groups allow marginalised youths to fulfil their need for friendship and respect, but, given their association with crime and violence, have developed into an important public security problem. This research explored how three NGOs sought to persuade the government to provide a comprehensive and rights-respecting response to gang activity and why these attempts remained relatively ineffective.